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Congo Rebellion Expanding, United Nations and Media Silent

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Congo Rebellion Expanding, United Nations and Media Silent

keith harmon snow
January 12, 2010

With Congolese rebellion forces now claiming that Belgian paratroopers and MONUC troops backing the DRC government have suffered casualties and that the DRC coalition has used internationally prohibited incendiary (napalm) weapons, and with civilians continuing to suffer and flee by the scores of thousands, the United Nations and western media remain silent about the new rebellion in Western Congo.

Update to previous reportage on this rebellion:

"Belgian Paratroopers to Crush Rising Congo Rebellion?" (published by keith harmon snow 8 December 2009)

"New Congo Uprising Hidden by United Nations and Media" (published by keith harmon snow 6 January 2010)

With the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) engulfed in bloodshed and terrorism due to the secretive occupation and expansion by the Rwandan regime of Paul Kagame, Congo's President Joseph Kabila has reportedly received support from Belgium to crush a growing rebellion sparked by resistance forces in the far Western Congo. But the United Nations Observers Mission in Congo (MONUC) has downplayed the new rebellion and hidden civilian casualties.

Are Belgian Paratroopers Fighting in Western Congo?

A rising alliance calling themselves "The Resistance Patriots of Dongo" (Patriotes-R�sistants de Dongo) has gained currency and recruits after Congolese people learned that the Dongo resistance forces were fighting against Rwandan Tutsi troops in the little frontier town of Dongo.


Sources in Congo's capital Kinshasa report that an emergency "crisis" meeting was convened in Brussels on Friday, Nov. 28, 2009, after a distress call was sent by Congo-Kinshasa President Hypolitt� Kanambe, known to the Western world by his alias, Joseph Kabila Kabange. [1]

According to intelligence sources, the Belgian military attach� in Kinshasa was instructed to lay the groundwork for the arrival of a detachment of elite Belgian Armed Forces (BAF) paratroopers as soon as possible, before mid-December.

Belgium and Congo signed a new "economic cooperation" agreement in December 2009, worth some 280 million euros ($US 404.26 million).

Between January 3-8, sources in DRC began claiming that Belgian troops have indeed engaged the resistance forces in Equateur province. The Belgian troops reportedly suffered casualties and were forced to retreat after initial engagements met stronger resistance than expected.

Belgium has not confirmed the presence of its troops in DRC. If these are not Belgian troops who are they?

In mid-November President Joseph Kabila secretly airlifted a battalion of Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF) across Congo to crush the rebellion. The operation involved multiple flights and was supported by MONUC and the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM). The RDF forces, moved to Congo from Rwanda exclusively for the operation, were uniformed as Armed Forces of the DRC (FARDC). [2]

Pitched battles involving RDF occurred November 22-24 and 26-28 in the Dongo region. Along with RDF regulars, MONUC troops from the international "peacekeeping" mission have been fighting alongside Tutsi Rwandan soldiers infiltrated by Rwanda, with the Kabila government's support, into Congo's national army, the FARDC.

On Dec. 2, 2009, the remote strategic airport town of Libenge, near the Central African Republic, fell to the new rebellion, which was expanding and spreading with foreign backing. Towns in Equateur Province fell one by one to the rebellion, sending Kinshasa's elites into a scramble on December 3 and President Kabila into a security panic.

MONUC Hides Equateur Conflict

The Tutsi forces in the FARDC include infiltrated Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF, formerly Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army) and "ex-" CNDP forces from the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), the extremist terrorist militia that sprouted out of the Kivu Provinces but is heavily backed by Rwanda and infiltrated with thousands of extremist Tutsis.

Thousands of CNDP militia forces were integrated into the FARDC military in 2009 in a strategic maneuver championed by Rwandan general James Kabarebe and Paul Kagame and their western backers.  The CNDP is one of the pivotal causes of the massive destabilization of Eastern Congo.

To conceal President Kabila's illegal Belgian intervention from international public opinion, Brussels, Kinshasa and MONUC reportedly planned to dress Belgian paratroopers as MONUC blue helmet "peacekeepers" deployed out of Kisangani and bound for Equateur and Dongo.

The leaders of the rebellion in western Equateur Province have reportedly forged an alliance with General Dunia, a Mai Mai leader operating against the joint operations of the RDF-FARDC-MONUC-AFRICOM coalition in South Kivu, eastern Congo, and site of Canada's BANRO Corp. massive illegal gold concessions and terrorist occupation.

Many Congolese people have long since known that the president of their country has supported a secret extremist "Tutsi" alliance that seeks to dominate Central Africa. His real name is Hypolitt� Kanambe, formerly a junior Rwanda Patriotic Front/Army (RPF/A) officer plucked from the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (AFDL) forces.

It is widely supported that Joseph Kabila reported directly to RPF/A commanders James Kabarebe and Paul Kagame in the Pentagon-backed AFDL "rebellion" that overthrew President Joseph Mobutu in Zaire (Congo); there are also claims that Kabila was a soldier in the RPF/A during the multiple genocides orchestrated by Kagame's extremist Tutsi RPF/A in Rwanda (1990-1994).

The term "extremist Tutsi" applies only to the elite secretive organization, formerly the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army (RPF/A), which exists in parallel with the parliamentary government of Rwanda. While some of the same people occupy both, the extremist Tutsis came to power through war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in Rwanda from 1990 to 1994, operating a secret terrorist network. [3], [4], [5], [6]

A major source of ongoing conflict in the Kivus, Gen. Bosco Ntaganda, was rewarded in January 2009 for playing along with the Kabila-Kagame-MONUC charade of "arresting" CNDP-RDF war criminal Gen. Laurent Nkunda. To their credit, the U.N. Panel of Experts, in their recently "leaked" report of November 2009, exposed the appointment of Gen. Bosco Ntaganda as CNDP-FARDC commander, which Kagame and Kabila officially denied.

The International Criminal Court indicted Gen. Bosco Ntaganda for war crimes committed in DRC in May 2008. The ICC is a political instrument used to selectively target certain individuals and militias, while ignoring more substantial state sanctioned actors like Paul Kagame, James Kabarebe, Yoweri Museveni, Maurice Templesman, or former U.S. National Security Council member Walter Kansteiner.

Gen. Ntaganda commanded CNDP-FARDC units responsible for massive war crimes under the joint "Kimia" operations in the Kivus launched with MONUC backing in January 2009. Ntaganda's role in the immediate present is to escalate hostilities between CNDP and FARDC forces in the Kivus, with the blessing of Joseph Kabila and Paul Kagame, who seek to protect Ntaganda from the ICC, and to pursue the ongoing western agenda of balkanizing the Congo and creating a "Republic of the Volcanoes".

The current death toll in the eastern provinces of Congo alone stands at some 1,000 people per day, with ten million dead since 1996, with millions of refugees in the Great Lakes member states, and now more than 168,000 people uprooted in Western Congo due to recent fighting. [7]

Congo-Brazzaville has harbored Mobutu's ex-Forces Arm�es Za�roises (ex-FAZ) since 1996-1997, and it harbors Rwandan elements that fled the AFDL genocide against Hutu refugees in Congo-Zaire (1996-1997). [8] Sources suggest there are at least 300 ex-MLC (Movement for the Liberation of Congo) and more than 10,000 ex-FAZ troops available for the Dongo rebellion.

Rwandan refugees in Congo-Brazzaville include civilian survivors of the 1994 exodus from Rwanda and the subsequent international war crimes committed in DRC by the Paul Kagame and James Kabarebe and their troops, under the open eyes of U.S. diplomats, 1996-1998; Uganda People's Defense Forces also helped hunt and massacre Hutu refugees.

Equateur Province is the site of major untapped petroleum reserves. Belgian, French, Portuguese, German and U.S. families and corporations control vast tracts under attack by industrial logging. There are also Western-owned plantations with modern day slavery involving tens of thousands of Congolese people subject to terrorism by state paramilitary services. [9]

Resistance Patriots of Dongo

In March 2009 the Western press reported a "tribal dispute" and "ethnic clash over fishing rights" in the little Western Congo outback town of Dongo. The dispute reportedly began between two different ethnic groups. However, the newly announced "Resistance Patriots of Dongo" claim that President Kabila's agents manipulated the parties of the dispute and escalated armed hostilities.

In October 2009 President Kabila and John Numbi--one of his top military advisers--dispatched FARDC troops under the command of Gen. Benjamin Alongaboni to Dongo to negotiate peace with resistance forces. Gen. Alongaboni, a Congolese son hailing from Equateur Province and the first FARDC officer on the scene, secured a negotiated peace with Dongo area combatants.

Soon after, however, President Kabila sent RDF forces--in FARDC uniforms--who enraged Congolese in the region and provoked hostilities by killing some local people and destroying the possibilities of peace negotiations. The Resistance Patriots of Dongo retaliated and FARDC under the command of Gen. Alongaboni began defecting.

Gen. Benjamin Alongaboni and the few troops that did not defect to the resistance were moved to nearby Gemena military center where he is currently under surveillance by President Kabila's security and intelligence operatives. Gen. Alongaboni is an adjutant general to Kabila's trusted FARDC insider John Numbi, formerly the head of FARDC Air Forces and now inspector general of the Police National Congolaise (CNP).

Meanwhile, the "Dongo Crisis" blossomed into a full-blown Congolese rebellion against international occupation forces and the powerful Kabila-Kagame clique. From October to December civilians and former combatants flooded into the Dongo region to join a growing rebellion.

Hundreds of Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC)--of ethnic Congolese origin--have deserted and joined rebellion ranks with Congolese civilians and various military elements of past rebellions.

AFRICOM is constructing bases in Kisangani, DRC, and in Rwanda and Uganda. In January 2009, AFRICOM delivered four 200 hp Yamaha outboard engines to RDF marines for RDF Navy amphibious military transports in Gisenyi, Rwanda.

Bound for the Dongo rebellion in mid-November, RDF crossed from Gisenyi, Rwanda, to Goma, DRC, and were then flown from Goma to Kamina Air Base in Katanga, a military transport hub used for the Belgo-American-U.N. mercenary occupations during the Katanga secession (1960-63) and "Congo Crises" (1964-67). The RDF battalion was next flown to Bandundu Province. MONUC and AFRICOM supported the RDF airlift operations.

The RDF troops were reportedly next moved to the 42-acre campus of the U.S. Embassy-affiliated American School in Kinshasa (TASOK), near the notorious Camp Tshatshi military base, and then flown to Gemena airport in Equateur. The Col. Tshatshi Military Camp in Kinshasa hosts the defense department and the Chiefs of Staff central command headquarters of the FARDC. The TASOK campus was used for RDF troops because they would not be welcome amongst Congolese-FARDC at Camp Tshatshi.

There were at least three round trips in some legs of the RDF flight plan reportedly using both MONUC and Hewa Bora Airlines, an airline 70 percent owned by Belgian arms trafficker Philippe de Moerloose. In the "leaked" November 2009 U.N. Panel of Experts Report on Illegal Exploitation in the Congo, Philippe De Moerloose and Hewa Bora Airlines were named for weapons shipments from Sudan to Congo in violation of the International Arms Embargo on the DRC. [10] De Moerloose supplies Kabila with presidential jets and other toys.

Attempting to discredit the High Court in Spain for its issuing of international war crimes indictments against 40 top Rwandan military officials, the U.N. Panel of Experts Report also falsely accused Spanish non-government organizations affiliated with the judicial war crimes investigations of backing "terrorist" groups in eastern Congo. The Panel of Experts inclusion of information on the Spanish NGOs revealed a clear bias of the United Nations experts' panels, which in the past have selectively shielded western multinational corporations, individuals and state entities for their involvement in war and plunder in DRC, while shining the spotlight on, and thus criminalizing, other factions, individuals and state-sponsored enterprises.

Former DRC Air Force Commander John Numbi is reported to be Kabila's main link to Rwandan military officials Paul Kagame and the indicted war criminal James Kabarebe. John Numbi, currently the inspector general of the Congolese National Police, is a regular visitor to Kigali and described as "one of Congo's most dangerous men."

John Numbi reportedly orchestrated the joint military operations between RDF and FARDC that began in January 2009. The main overt military campaigns were "Umoja Wetu," a joint operation between FARDC and RDF, and the "Kimia I" and "Kimia II" operations, which were FARDC operations supported by MONUC.

In December 2009 Human Rights Watch called on MONUC to stop supporting FARDC contingents involved in targeting civilians; MONUC public information offices issued a statement reserving the right for MONUC troops to be deployed as the mission determined necessary.

The Resistance Patriots of Dongo are claiming to have inflicted high casualties on the RDF-MONUC-FARDC forces dispatched to Equateur.

MONUC issued one tiny press report on Nov. 26, after resistance forces shot up a MONUC helicopter that flew to Dongo to resupply the RDF-MONUC-FARDC ground troops. Five of the 25 to 30 personnel on board were injured, and the pilot took off and flew the chopper to Congo-Brazzaville. None of the personnel aboard the MONUC chopper--or their nationalities--were identified.

A short Western media propaganda blurb circulated by Agence France-Presse attempted to discredit the rebellion and cover for MONUC's involvement in open military aggression against Congolese people. Titled "Armed group claims firing at UN chopper in DRC," the AFP blurb also confirmed the Resistance Patriots of Dongos' strike against a MONUC helicopter.

The AFP described the conflict as purely tribal and framed it as ruthless savage Africans killing with machetes. The MONUC chopper apparently was attacked on Nov. 26. There was no mention of the major battles that occurred between foreign forces on Nov. 22-24 or Nov. 26-28. [11]

On Dec. 3, 2009, the Dongo resistance forces intercepted a tugboat pulling two big barges carrying 2,500 tons of arms and ammunition destined for Dongo RDF-MONUC-FARDC forces. Also on Dec. 3, the strategic Congolese airport town of Libenge fell into the hands of the Resistance Patriots of Dongo. Resistance forces reportedly captured another barge of weapons in late December.

Dongo War Not Connected to Eastern Congo?

"The fighting is not related to the simmering conflict in the mineral-rich eastern borderlands," Reuters wrote, "where the army - backed by thousands of peacekeepers - are attempting to stamp out local, Rwandan, and Ugandan rebels." [12]

On Dec. 3, 2009, Belgian newspapers La Libre Belgique and RTLM reported that Belgium's Foreign Minister Steven Vanackere and Defense Minister Pieter De Crem had responded to the communiqu� of the Resistance Patriots of Dongo, circulated on the Internet on Dec. 1, which warned Belgium and Kinshasa that the resistance knew of the secret plan to dispatch paratroopers to Kisangani. The two Belgian ministries issued a joint communiqu� denying the operation "with the biggest firmness." [13]

According to Kinshasa sources, the MONUC-uniformed Belgians would be flown from Kisangani, Orientale Province, to Equateur Province's northwestern frontier city of Gbadolite, the stronghold of former President Mobutu and the Bemba family, Jean-Pierre and father Saolona (1942-2009), and then to Gemena airport near Dongo. [14]

Soon after the Resistance Patriots of Dongo forces occupied the frontier city of Libenge, President Kabila dispatched 600 elite FARDC commandos trained by 60 Belgian Armed Forces instructors in Kindu Province. As of Dec. 5, Libenge remained under siege, with civilians fleeing to escape the massive battle. [15]

Sources in Kinshasa on Dec. 5 reported: "massive violent fighting in Libenge and Gemena areas," involving 1,000 Congolese National Police (PNC) and 100 Ghanaian MONUC troops and two MONUC helicopter gunships. MONUC sources in Kisangani indicate that two additional MONUC helicopter gunships are "standing by" for possible immediate deployment to Equateur.

The MONUC "peacekeeping" in Congo is a $1 billion a year operation.

The recently "leaked" United Nations Group of Experts Report provides evidence of direct Congolese National Police involvement in contraband activities involving Rwandan Defense Forces in Eastern Congo. [10]

On December 14, 2009, the Spanish Press Agency SAPA and Agence France-Presse reported that DRC government troops fighting against 'tribal forces' had taken back the town of Dongo, with the tribal forces being "led by the animist priest Udjani." [17]

The Sapa-AFP article continued to maintain the ongoing silence about high casualties, falsely reporting "the violence has claimed about 100 lives, mostly around Dongo where the clashes began." However, western press reports of 100 dead did not change between October an late December.

The international news media was completely silent after government forces that had reentered Dongo by December 14 suffered a crushing defeat when resistance forces that had 'withdrawn' from Dongo sprang a trap; troops aligned with the Kabila-Kagame-MONUC coalition, allegedly including 'white' mercenaries, were reportedly massacred by the scores. 

On December 16, 2009, the MONUC spokesman in Kinshasa DRC announced that "the first MONUC military troops were deployed in Dongo in Equateur province" along with a temporary operational base. MONUC claimed they took the decision "to sustain the joint PNC/FARDC operations aimed at re-establishing order [sic] and state authority [sic] in Dongo, Imesse and their surroundings." [18]

MONUC transferred some 500 regular MONUC Ghanaian, Tunisian and Egyptian "peacekeepers" to Equateur province from the eastern Congo's conflict areas in Orientale and the Kivus, along with Armored Personnel Carriers, weapons, and transport and combat helicopters. MONUC also deployed Guatemalan Special Forces to the Equateur region.

Continuing to downplay the violence and hide the context of the rebellion, the MONUC Public Information Office briefing mentioned only in passing that 15 wounded MONUC soldiers were also being transferred from the front. However, MONUC was silent about high casualties (massacres) of government FARDC-MONUC-RDF aligned troops over the previous days.

MONUC's deployment of 'peacekeeping' forces in open combat operations are in direct violation of its 'peacekeeping' charter and in violation of the spirit and intent of the United Nations.

On December 22, New York's Bloomberg News reported with a news brief deepening the racist mythology portraying this as African savagery and superstition.

"The Enyele leader is a mystic named Udjani," wrote Michael J. Kavanagh, reporting for Bloomberg from Kinshasa (DRC) and Impfondo (Republic of Congo), referring to the Enyele tribe, "who claims to have a magical sword that can poison people and pass its powers to the curved machetes wielded by many of his followers, witnesses said." [19]

Eastern Europeans or South Africans have reportedly joined the North African mercenaries fighting for Kabila's RDF-MONUC-FARDC-AFRICOM coalition; many of the "white" mercenary forces have also been killed.

On December 31, sources from Kinshasa and Belgium began reporting that Belgian Minister of Defense Pieter De Crem has confirmed that a Belgian Air Force A330 airbus was dispatched to Kinshasa purportedly to transport some Congolese FARDC officers to Belgium. It is believed that this cover story masked the secret transport of Belgian paratroopers to Congo as agreed during strategic talks between Congolese and Belgian defense officials in November.

In December 2009, a group of Congolese chiefs sent an open letter to U.S. President Barrack Obama proclaiming a "categorical refusal of your AFRICOM Project in the Congo."

"We, traditional Chiefs and the rightful landowners of [Kongo] are sending you, through this letter, our stirring message to denounce and condemn at a global level, with all our energy, the machinations and relentless multitude of hardly veiled crimes by the previous American administrations, at least since 1994, in the process of exterminating the population of the Congo... We prohibit with firmness, and we repeat it three times, to install your project of mass destruction abominably called AFRICOM on the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and anywhere in Africa. This decision is nonnegotiable and eternally irreversible."

Sources working for MONUC in Kisangani confirm that there are now "not more than" 25 Belgian troops in Kisangani, with "one or two" Hercules C-130 Belgian military aircraft.

Updates from Congo on January 12 indicate Patriots Resistance Forces and Kabila's FARDC-MONUC-RDF Coalition forces engaged in major battles the week of January 3-10. 

Four top military officers of the FARDC-MONUC-RDF coalition, alleged to be Rwandan aligned commanders, were reportedly killed, including General Mustapha Mukiza (former Congolese Rally for Democracy {RCD} and then Movement for the Liberation of Congo {MLC}), a Colonel Antonov and a Major Rugeza.

Sources from Nairobi and Kinshasa claim that the Coalition forces have used incendiary bombs causing huge civilian casualties. Spokesman for the Patriots Resistance are claiming these are internationally prohibited napalm incendiary weapons. 

A key intelligence source in Kinshasa insists that Belgian paratroopers are on the ground in Equateur and, unprepared for the organized resistance they encountered, Belgian troops were forced to retreat after some (unknown) number were wounded and killed. MONUC troops have also been engaged in the fighting, in continued violation of their peacekeeping mandate.

President Joseph Kabila held an emergency meeting with top military intelligence advisors in Kinshasa on January 8, 2010. Present were Joseph Kabila's sister alias Janet Kabila, presidential advisor Mukombe Darwezi, National Intelligence Agency (ANR) chief Didier Kazadi Nyembwe, and FARDC Armed Forces chief General Didier Etumba, and others.

Kabila reportedly "went crazy" when informed by General Etumba about the DRC coalition's defeats. General Etumba formerly served under President Joseph Mobutu in the Forces Armee Zairois (FAZ), and he is a native of Equateur -- two facts likely causing President Kabila anxiety.

DRC coalition forces have reportedly suffered very high casualties, reportedly more than 500 troops killed, in the past 5 days. A DRC government spokesman has claimed that some 157 rebels were killed and that rebels were fleeing to cross to Impfondo (Congo-Brazzaville). However, the spokesman of the Patriotes Resistants of Congo have issued comuniques challenging the government to prove their claims.

On January 12, 2010, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) issued a statement from Geneva calling for emergency help to host more than 117,000 refugees that have fled DRC to the Republic of Congo (ROC) and more than 17,000 refugees that have fled DRC to Central Africa Republic (CAR). "In Mougoumba in CAR the refugees outnumber the locals by 200 to one," UNHCR reports, "while the Likouala region of northern ROC has seen its population double with the arrival of 107,000 refugees." [20]



[1] See Keith Harmon Snow, "Congo's President Kabila: Dynasty or Travesty?" Toward Freedom, Nov. 13, 2007, http://towardfreedom.com/home/content/view/1171/1/.

[2] For this report these RDF-disguised troops will be designated "RDF" (Rwandan Defense Forces) to separate them from other FARDC troops with Rwandan allegiances.

[3] See, e.g., Spain's Feb. 6, 2008, indictment issued by High Court Judge Andreu Merelles charging 40 current or former high-ranking Rwandan military officials with serious crimes, including genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and terrorism, perpetrated over a period of 12 years, from 1990 to 2002, against the civilian population and primarily against members of the Hutu ethnic group.

[4] See, e.g., Davenport and Stam, "What Really Happened in Rwanda?" Miller-McCune, Oct. 6, 2009, http://www.miller-mccune.com/culture_society/what-really-happened-in-rwanda-1504.

[5] See, e.g., Keith Harmon Snow, "The Rwanda Genocide Fabrications," Dissident Voice, April 13, 2009, http://dissidentvoice.org/2009/04/the-rwanda-genocide-fabrications/.

[6] Se, e.g., Christopher Black, "The Truth About Rwanda," SaveRwanda.org, December 29, 2010, http://www.saverwanda.org/index.php?id=74&tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=1473&cHash=b9e2f8e89e

[7] United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) and OCHA.

[8] Private investigations, Democratic Republic of Congo, July-August 2006 and February-March 2007.

[9] The Elwyn Blattner Groupe plantation holdings are revealed in the 2008 documentary film "Episode III: Enjoy Poverty" by Dutch filmmaker Renzo Martens, www.enjoypoverty.com.

[10] United Nations: Letter dated Nov. 9, 2009, from the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo addressed to the chairman of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to Resolution 1533 (2004), "leaked" November 2009.

[11] Unsigned, "Armed group claims firing at U.N. chopper in DR Congo," AFP, Nov. 26, 2009.

[12] Joe Bavier, "Congo gunmen fire at U.N. helicopter, five wounded," Reuters, Nov. 26, 2009.

[13] Belga, "La Belgique d�ment tout projet d'envoi de troupes en RDC," RTBF, Dec. 3, 2009. ["Belgium denies all project of sending of troops to DRC."]

[14] Bemba Saolona's company, Scibe CMMJ, was implicated by the U.N. in smuggling weapons to UNITA during the Angolan Civil War: Johan Peleman, "The logistics of sanctions busting: the airborne component," (PDF file), page 303.

[15] In 2006-07, Police Nationale Congolaise were outfitted with high-tech radio communications, funded by the United Nations Development Program, purchased from New Zealand, http://www.taitworld.com/main/download/l4/76_police_nationale_congo-indd.pdf.

[16] United Nations: Letter dated Nov. 9, 2009, from the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo addressed to the chairman of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to Resolution 1533 (2004), "leaked" November 2009.

[17] "DR Congo troops take back town from tribal forces: Govt." December 14, 2009, SAPA-AFP.

[18] "Equateur [DRC]: An extra 500 MONUC troops being deployed to Dongo," MONUC Press Briefing, December 16,2009.

[19] Michael J. Kavanagh, "Thousands Flee Northern Congo Insurgency Inspired by Mystic ," Blomberg.com,http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601116&sid=am8VfFbPveNM.

[20] "UNHCR warns of urgent need for sites to host DRC refugees in ROC and CAR," UNHCR, January 12, 2010, http://www.unhcr.org/4b4c639a9.html .

Written by: keith harmon snow

Photography Credits: keith harmon snow

Categories: , ,


Zebrapad | March 31, 2010 7:07 PM

Dear Mr. Snow,

I think you should look for independend sources...


keith harmon snow | April 2, 2010 6:03 AM

Dear Zebrapad

Is Refugees International "independent"? Independent of what? The media? The money? The killers? This is a gigantic beneficiary of the misery industry. The story -- and its sources -- are not "independent" in any sense of the word.

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